Essays and Observations

1. Background and biography
2. Formal Features: some observations
3. Traditions and influences
4. Conclusions
5. Works Cited

1. Anne Lock and the Meditation of a Penitent Sinner : background and biography

Authorship and Biography
The Meditation sonnets, appended to what is clearly Lock's own translation of Calvin's four sermons, have posed difficult issues of authorship. Most perplexing has been this prefatory note to the Meditation:

I have added this meditation folowyng unto the ende of this boke, not as parcell of maister Calvines worke, but for that it well agreeth with the same argument, and was delivered me by my frend with whom I knew I might be so bolde to use & publishe it as pleased me.

That last clause suggests the work is not actually Lock's, and Lewis Lupton, Patrick Collinson and others have speculated that it is "perhaps Knox's" (265).³ However, Knox's biographers do not claim the work as his and, given Anne Lock's other literary endeavors, we have reason to assume the work as hers. Thomas P. Roche, in claiming the poems as the first English sonnet sequence, does not question Lock's authorship (155); Michael Spiller accords it similar respect (92). Margaret Hannay cites "internal evidence" for claiming Lock's authorship and sensibly argues that "unless external evidence to the contrary surfaces, we are probably safe in attributing the sonnet sequence to Anne Lock" ("Wisdome" 79).

Knox and Lock apparently first met in the winter of 1552-53, following Knox's removal to London; he may have lived with the Locks in late 1553, before his return to the Continent. Following exchanges of letters--some of which implore Anne to join him and the faithful in Geneva--Anne Lock arrived in Geneva without husband Henry but with daughter Anne (who died within four days) and son Harry--on May 8, 1557. We can only speculate about the relationship between Anne Lock and John Knox. Robert Louis Stevenson claimed that Anne Lock "was the woman [Knox] loved best" (334) but caustically speculates about life with the author of The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women. Stevenson muses that "he had lost the sense of incongruity, and continued to despise in theory the sex he honoured so much in practice, of whom he chose his most intimate associates, and whose courage he was compelled to wonder at, when his own heart was faint" (336).⁴ Lupton opines in Mrs. Lock's Little Book that the surviving letters between Anne Lock and John Knox "reveal close friendship on both sides, a romantic but harmless attachment which would pass without comment in any other than Knox" (125-126). Susan Felch's excellent edition of Lock's complete works offers a more useful perspective on her life, including the correspondence between Lock and Knox that followed her departure from Geneva.

Anne Lock apparently returned to London by summer 1559. After her husband's death in 1571, she married Edward Dering, "the godliest and most promising young preacher of the day," "a successor, surely, to Knox" rather than her mercer husband Lock (Collinson 267). Dering died in 1576 and Lock married Richard Prowse by 1583. Under the name Anne Prowse she published a translation Of the Markes of the Children of God--from Jean Taffin--in 1590.

Anne Lock clearly became an important figure in relaying information from Knox in Scotland (after 1559) and the faithful in Geneva and England. Transcritipion copies of thirteen of Knox's letters to Lock remain, extending from 1556 to 1562, testifying to her importance in Reformation circles. We might draw two main conclusions from this and other biographical evidence. First, we can definitely conclude that Anne Lock played an important role in English reformational politics, not only through her relationships with Knox and Dering but in her translations and spreading of the news from Geneva. Such a key position immediately heightens the interest in the sonnets and could in fact alert our reading to the representation of this woman's leadership in a contentious movement.

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2. Formal Features: Some Observations

Five prefatory poems "expressing the passioned minde of the penitent sinner" begin the sequence. William Stull suggests one kind of reading, as he finds the preface "fully describes the Calvinist doctrine of repentance" as it emphasizes attrition, or fear of God's punishment, and progresses to "faith in [God's] grace and mercy" ("The English" 226). And, indeed, the opening sonnet prominently displays a strong sense of guilt and introspection with phrases such as "The hainous gylt of my forsaken ghost" (1) and "The lothesome filthe of my disteined life" (5), but it is difficult to see the five sonnets as progressive in nature . Further, as Roche notes, the pattern can just as well be described as the "traditional three stages of repentance (confession, contrition, and resolution to amend)" (156) as Calvinist.

Prefatory Sonnet 1 also laments the speaker's "daseld sight"(4) and "dimmed and fordulled eyen" (9), and in so doing adopts an image that dominates much of the century's devotional verse. Here Lock shows some proficiency in developing the two-sided nature of that image. While those eyes may be "daseld" and full of the vision of "lothesome filthe," they are also "dimmed and fordulled" with teares of penance, "Sent from the fornace of a grefefull brest" (9, 12). Lock expands the image into the next poem--loosely linking them, as she does all five sonnets- moving from the general complaint of missing the "comfort of the light" to the explicit characterization of the speaker as a "blinde wretch."

The conclusion of the introductory sequence further adumbrates the concerns to be developed by later devotional poets like George Herbert but at the same time indicates the limits of Lock's poetic achievements. "Not daring with presuming eye" (1) to look upon God's "angry face," the speaker offers the "confused crye" of a "troubled sprite" sent "To crave the crummes of all-sufficing grace" (3-4). She continues that "crye" with equally alliterative language and halting syntax:

Bendyng my yelding handes to heavens throne,
Poure forth my piteous plaint with woefull sound,
With smoking sighes &;oft repeted grone,
Before the Lord, the Lord, whom synner I,
I cursed wretch, I have offended so,
That dredyng, in his wrekefull wrath to dye,
And damned downe to depth of hell to go,
Thus tost with panges and passions of despeir,
Thus crave I mercy with repentant chere. (6-14)

The prefatory sonnets also set the pattern for the twenty-one meditations, as Lock employs a generally regular English sonnet pattern. The notable exception is the second, which employs only four rhymes (ababcdcdcdcddd). In fact, throughout the sequence Lock establishes a notable regularity in both English rhyme scheme and iambic pentameter, a proficiency that accentuates the relative roughness of a poet like Wyatt and many of his fellow Tottel 's writers.

The twenty-one sonnets meditating upon the nineteen verses of Psalm 51 continue to highlight the individual sinner while presenting an expanded paraphrase of the Psalm. Sonnets 1 and 2 expand upon verse 1 of the Psalm; Sonnets 5 and 6 expand upon verse 4. The remaining seventeen sonnets each treat a single verse using the "English" sonnet form. By and large, Lock remains close to her source text, and in that sense these can hardly be claimed as original works of art. But her sonnets reveal interesting interpretations of the Psalm and reveal competent artistry; I will simply suggest here some of those elements.

Lock uses a great deal of repetition in the sonnets, a feature that can be variously described as artful or merely a sign of limitation. In Sonnet 1, for instance, she expands upon the first half-verse of the Psalm ("Have mercie upon me (o God) after thy great merci"), using the word mercy ten times. The first line sets the tone: "Have mercy, God, for thy great mercies sake." The last four lines show some artful use of repetition and variation:

Mercie is thine: Let me not crye in vaine,
Thy great mercie for my great fault to have.
Have mercie, God, pitie my penitence
With greater mercie than my great offence. (11-14)

So foule is sinne and lothesome in thy sighte,
So foule with sinne I see my selfe to be,
That till from sinne I may be washed white,
So foule I dare not, Lord, approche to thee. (1-4)

Dryve me not from thy face in my distresse,
Thy face of mercie and of swete relefe,
The face that fedes angels with onely sight,
The face of comfort in extremest grefe. (4-7)

Sonnet 2, for instance, takes the suggestion from the psalm's "multitude of mercies" in looking at the speaker's sins, which cast her "sinking soul" in a "sea of depe despeire" (2-3). Sonnet 3, on "washing" from sin, introduces the image of the speaker"s 'leprous bodye and defiled face" (12). Sonnet 5, in lamenting the speaker's sin, introduces the graphic image of "My cruell conscience with sharpned knife / Doth splat my ripped hert, and layes abrode / The lothesome secretes of my filthy life" (9-11). Sonnet 7 also imagines sins with metaphorical vividness, "Such bloome and frute loe sinne doth multiplie / Such was my roote, such is my juyse within" (7-8) as the speaker meditates upon the fifth verse, "For loe, I was shapen in wickednes, and in sinne my mother conceived me." Sonnet 17 also gives vividness to the speaker's sinfulness with the opening image of "straining crampe of colde despeir againe / In feble brest doth pinche my pinyng hart" (1-2).

One might also look for formal virtues in the use of the sonnet form. As I've already suggested, the Meditations display a general facility with the English sonnet, achieving flexibility as well as general regularity with rhyme, syntax, and meter. At times Lock appears to be using sonnet conventions expressively. In Sonnet 8 she violates the expected quatrain boundary in line 8 and uses enjambment to highlight her "flowing" sins:

This hidden knowledge have I learnd of thee,

To fele my sinnes, and howe my sinnes do flowe
With such excesse, that with unfained hert
Dreding to drowne, my Lorde, lo how I flee,
Simply with teares bewailyng my desert,
Releved simply by thy hand to be. (7-12)

In Sonnet 6 she turns the biblical verse (v.4 "That thou mightest be found just in thy sayinges, and maiest oercome when thou art judged") into a meditation about mercy and justice. The first 7 lines of the sonnet reflect on "mercy," using the word four times as well as "pitie" once. Line 7 constitutes the turn of the sonnet, a turn to the words "judge" and "justice"--used in some form six times in lines 8-12:

Performest mercy: so as in the sight
Of them that judge the justice of thy cause
Thou onely just be demed, and no moe,
The worldes unjustice wholy to confound:
That damning me to depth of during woe
Just in thy judgement shouldest thou be found. (7-12)

Lock uses the final couplet to good effect in joining the two themes, finding comfort for the speaker and formal closure for the sonnet:

And from deserved flames relevyng me
Just in thy mercy mayst thou also be. (13-14)

While we must become much more thoughtful about issues concerning "originality" and aesthetic qualities in poetry such as the psalm translations, current formal reading practices can yield much of interest in Lock's sonnets. My sketchy remarks only point to some directions the conversation could take. Given these qualities, readers might well re-examine conventional accounts of the sonnet's development in England.

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3. Traditions and influences

As Hannay points out, the Countess, a friend of Queen Elizabeth, "often interceded at court for members of the protestant alliance" (72). In the dedication Lock claims "Every one in his calling is bound to doe somewhat to the furtherance of the holy building; but because great things by reason of my sexe, I may not doe, and that which I may, I ought to doe, I have according to my dutie, brought my poore basket of stones to the strengthening of the wals of that Jerusalem, whereof (by Grace) we are al both citizens and Members." Hannay points to the echo here from Psalm 51.18, which "had become a code phrase for being active in the Protestant cause" (72); the similar emphasis in the dedication and Sonnet 20 would seem to further strengthen claims for authorship.

Beth Wynne Fisken, in considering the Countess of Pembroke's Psalm translations, has also illuminated the ways in which the "sanctioned flexibility" of the poetic persona available to the psalm translator "effectively liberated Mary Sidney (at least imaginatively) from the restraints placed on her sex by her society" (227). Fisken points to issues of authority in women's devotional traditions that should be investigated further in regard to Lock's work. While I am not prepared to offer extravagant claims about the distinctive woman's view in her meditations, such an argument would clearly strengthen the literary standing of the Meditation sonnnets.

Theology
Finally, one might find individual touches in the sonnets and another strategy for elevating them by noting theological overtones and connections to a Protestant tradition of devotion. Lock frequently adds contrasts of justice and mercy, as we've already seen in Sonnet 6. Similarly, Sonnet 1 not only repeats the word "mercy" from the psalm but introduces a discourse about justice: "Not for justice, that justly am accusde: / Which selfe word Justice so amaseth me" (7-8). Most strikingly, Lock adds a typological reading to the David's Psalm of penitence, finding in the seventh and sixteenth verses occasions to bring in the parallel of Christ. In Sonnet 9's adaptation of verse 7 ("Sprinkle me, Lorde, with hisope and I shalbe cleane: washe me and I shalbe whiter then snow"), Lock contrasts the cleansing use of hyssop under the old law with the new:

With death and bloodshed of thine only sonne,
The swete hysope, cleanse me defyled wyght.
Sprinkle my soule. And when thou so haste done
Bedeawd with droppes of mercy and of grace,
I shalbe cleane as cleansed of my synne. (6-10)

But thy swete sonne alone,
With one sufficing sacrifice for all
Appeaseth thee, and maketh the[e] at one
With sinfull man, and hath repaird our fall.
That sacred hoste is ever in thine eyes.
The praise of that I yeld for sacrifice. (9-14)

Finally, we might also look at Sonnet 14, which sounds a distinctly Protestant note of anguish while going well beyond the complaint of the original (v.12: "Restore to me the comforte of thy saving helpe, and stablishe me with thy free spirit"): But render me my wonted joyes againe,

Which sinne hath reft, and planted in theyr place
Doubt of thy mercy ground of all my paine.
The tast, that thy love whilome did embrace
My chearfull soule, the signes that dyd assure
My felyng ghost of favor in thy sight,
Are fled from me, and wretched I endure
Senslesse of grace the absence of thy sprite.
Restore my joyes, and make me fele againe
The swete retorne of grace that I have lost,
That I may hope I pray not all in vayne,
With thy free sprite confirme my feble ghost,
To hold my faith from ruine and decay
With fast affiance and assured stay.

Again, I would argue, we can find in this admittedly modest poem glimmers of a devotional tradition that flowers in Donne and Herbert. The scriptural passage, though central to the sonnet, becomes a source for meditation and personal application. The emphasis on personal introspection, rather than communal or liturgical worship--evidenced in the speaker's preoccupation with "faith" and "assurance"--can also be seen as anticipating the anguish of the Holy Sonnets and the reflectiveness of The Temple.

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4. Conclusions

Similarly, Lily Bess Campbell has reductively emphasized the "competition" and "tension" between secular and sacred literature during the sixteenth century: "It is of great importance to recognize that there was, centering about the metrical translation of the Psalms, a concerted movement to displace the newly popularized pagan literature by a poetry founded on the Bible" (54). Yet the reforming and hymn singing tradition that Coverdale exemplifies can be extended only to a small portion of the psalms that appeared during the century. More significant was a tradition of devotional poetry--incorporating the Psalms as well as other scriptural models--that betrayed little if any sense of tension with secular literature. The Meditation sonnets would seem a strong exhibit in the understanding of a sixteenth-century devotional tradition.

Lock's work should also encourage us to rewrite the conventional histories of the sonnet which so often tell only a reductive tale of the male Petrarchan lover. As Thomas Roche has argued--perhaps too vigorously--the lines between secular and sacred in the sonnet tradition are much more fluid than often acknowledged; the "hideous dichotomy of sacred vs. secular" tends to obscure the place of religious sonnets within an extended tradition (258). And as the work of poets like Lady Mary Wroth also testifies, the genre was not the sole provenance of men.

In talking about the Meditation sonnets I have considered ways to validate this work. I have adduced, with some success I think, formal evidence of competence in the use of the sonnet form, poetic language, and adaptation of the source texts. Similarly, I have indicated some elements in the Meditation of a Penitent Sinner that suggest theological interpretations of the Psalm or anticipations of devotional poets who follow. We can conclude that she participates to some degree in a distinctive tradition of women devotional poets, whose appropriation of biblical texts displays a gendered awareness and sensibility, reflecting her status as an important woman of the Reformation. Each of these approaches, in some respects, would make this "better" poetry--at least in our traditional modes of reading--and in large degree I have labored to present Lock's work in this best light.

Yet questions should be raised about these approaches toward elevating Lock's work. In noting the powerful stimulus given to Psalm translations and imitations by humanist studies of the Hebrew Bible during the sixteenth century, Rivkah Zim establishes a context for reading this work as a particular "kind" of literature. Zim asserts,

Each different literary version is related to all the others in that they all share the same model--the Book of Psalms. They are also related to each other in that they are products of a particular historical period and hence of the culture of that period. . . .An examination of metrical psalms as instances of a literary kind, rather than as the works of individual authors, can show how different authors exploited the shared, contemporary resources of that kind.

a hypertext document system allows authors or groups of authors to link information together, create paths through a corpus of related material, annotate existing texts, and create notes that point readers to either bibliographic data or the body of the referenced text. . . . Readers can browse through linked, cross-referenced, annotated texts in an orderly but nonsequential manner.

As Landow, Richard Lanham, and others have pointed out, the new technology, with its massive archival linking of texts, ushers in a new era of textual understanding, blurring traditional concepts of authorship, authority, and reading; the very notion of canonicity becomes tenuous in an environment of the electronic text. But, as Walter Ong and Marshall McLuhan understood, the new technology also restores us to theories of reading and orality more in line with Renaissance, pre-book culture. Thus, the impending technological revolution can reduce the questions of authorship--and maybe even canon formation . . . and papers such as this--to irrelevancy. Yet, as Zim demonstrates, these developments can also illuminate the individual decisions each author made in the adaptation of common materials. More importantly, however, they highlight the work of readers--in recovering the biblical texts, in creating personal configurations of the psalms and sonnets, and finding their own pathways through this multidimensional meditative poetry.

***
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Notes

For the text see University Microfilms #11478, reel 491 [STC 4450]. Lock’s Meditation sonnets are now available in several editions. The most complete and authoritative is Susan M. Felch’s The Collected Works of Anne Vaughan Lock (1999), a RETS edition; Felch includes an extensive critical Introduction. Kel Morin-Parsons, Meditation of a Penitent Sinner: Anne Locke’s Sonnet Sequence with Locke’s Epistle (1997), prints the sonnets, an Introduction, and Lock’s “Epistle” to the Duchess of Suffolk. Elaine V. Beilin, Protestant Translators: Anne Lock Prowse and Elizabeth Russell (2001), offers a brief Introduction to this facsimile printing of the 1560 edition. Anne Lake Prescott and Betty S. Travitsky, Female and Male Voices in Early Modern England: An Anthology of Renaissance Writing (2000), pp. 115-34, reprint Lock’s sonnets and juxtapose them with sonnets by her son Henry Lok. The Brown University Women Writers Project <http://www.wwp.brown. edu> Women Writers Online transcribes the sonnets within its fully searchable textbase. Lewis Lupton also reprints the sonnets in Mrs. Locke’s Little Book (1973).
   The name appears as Locke, Lock, and Lok. The volume in the British Museum bears the inscription "Liber Henrici Lock ex dono Annae uxoris suae. 1559,"and on that authority, Felch adopts Lock for her volume, and I follow her precedent here.
  The transcription is my own, with consultation from the Felch and Morin editions. I have numbered the sonnets and silently modernized some spelling, i.e., substituting modern v and j where appropriate. I am grateful to Kel Morin and Susan Felch for their assisance.
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2. "If it should be considered as a sequence, then it should be granted the privilege of being the first sequence in English, predating Watson's Hekatompathia by twenty two years" (Roche 155). However, no mention is made of the sequence in standard accounts of the sonnet such as Smith and John.
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3. The level of discussion about the issue has not been high. Consider, for instance, Lewis Lupton's statement in his Story of the Geneva Bible :

It seems more than probable that Knox was the author of the metrical "meditation" on Psalm 51 which Mrs. Lock ascribed to her "frend." Her special friendship with the Reformer was of such an established character and so well known among the godly that he used her to pass on his news to them at the very time her little book was printed. With such an obvious solution under our noses it is idle to look further. The use of metre had long been harnessed to Reform in Scotland, the Petrarchian sonnet form had already made its way into England and it was only to be expected that Knox would try his hand in the medium. In view of the fact that the whole "Meditation" is in sonnet form and that Anne Lock's son, Henry, afterwards published three hundred sonnets, through very much less crude than these it is tempting to think that she and Knox collaborated. This may have been the case but we do less than justice to Mrs. Lock's integrity if we suppose they were really her own and she invented a "frend" only to hide her identity. The underlying doctrine. . .is so fiercely masculine that it must be by Knox. Nevertheless there are occasional graphic phrases which faintly anticipate the poetry of Henry Lok and even of John Donne himself! If, as I believe to be the case, the "Meditation" on Psalm 51 has a right to a place in the works of the great Scottish Reformer, it is possible that it also owes something to a faithful companion in exile" (8:9).

Lupton offers no scholarly evidence for his surmises. In fact, his assertion about the "fiercely masculine" doctrine of the sonnets is undermined by the poem with which he illustrates his claim--the seventh sonnet, which amplifies Psalm 51.5 ("For loe, I was shapen in wickednes, and in sinne my mother conceived me"). Although the sonnet drearily repeats the word "sinne," it cannot be characterized as an extremely harsh Protestant interpretation of original sin. Lupton does not elaborate on what he sees as the marks of "masculine" doctrine.
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4. Stevenson's essay, although overblown, raises fascinating questions about Knox and the ethics of the Reformation. He calls attention to Knox's first major book, The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, and his battles with Mary Stuart and Mary Tudor. The "First Blast" is unyielding: "That a woman should bear rule, superiority, dominion or empire over any realm, nation, or city. . .Is repugnant to nature, contumely to God, and a subversion of good order. Women are weak, frail, impatient, feeble, and foolish" (297). Knox backed away from this extreme position--partly under the influence of Calvin and the rise of Elizabeth--but Stevenson lays bare the contrast between the public and private man. Stevenson pictures Knox in Geneva with his wife Marjorie Bowes, Anne Lock, and several other women gathered around in fellowship:

And what work, among others, was he elaborating at this time, but the notorious "First Blast"? So that he may have rolled out in his big pulpit voice, how women were weak, frail, impatient, feeble, foolish, inconstant, variable, cruel, and lacking the spirit of counsel, and how men were above them, even as God is above the angels, in the ears of his own wife, and the two dearest friends he had on earth. (336)
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5. See, for example, Gottwald: at the very basis of Old Testament canonical poetry "is the correspondence of thought in successive half lines, known as parallelism of members." Gottwald finds the "synonymous" parallelisms, exemplified in these lines, most prominent in the Hebrew (4:829).
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5. Works Cited

Allen, Graham. Intertextuality. London: Routledge, 1999.

Beilin, Elakine V, ed. Protestant Translators : Anne Lock Prowse and Elizabeth Russell. Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 2001.

Berry, Lloyd E. Introduction. The Geneva Bible: A facsimile of the 1560 edition. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1969.

Blain, Virginia, Patricia Clements, and Isobel Grundy. The Feminist Companion to Literature in England: Women Writers from the Middle Ages to the Present. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990.

Bolter, Jay David. Writing Space: The Computer, Hypertext, and the History of Writing. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1991.

Burbules, Nicholas C. and Thomas A. Callister, Jr. "Knowledge at the Crossroads: Alternative Futures of Hypertext Environments for Learning." Educational Theory 46 (1996): 23-50.

Campbell, Lily Bess. Divine Poetry and Drama in Sixteenth-Century England. Cam bridge: Cambridge UP, 1959.

Clayton, Jay and Eric Rothstein. "Figures in the Corpus: Theories of Influence and Intertextuality." Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History. Ed. Clayton and Rothstein. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1991. 3-36.

Collinson, Patrick. "The Role of Women in the English Reformation Illustrated by the Life and Friendships of Anne Locke." Studies in Church History 2 (1965): 258-272.

Felch, Susan M. "'Deir Sister': The Letters of John Knox to Anne Vaughan Lok." Renaissance and Reformation 19.4 (1995): 47-68.

---. The Collected Works of Anne Vaughan Lock. Tempe, Ariz.: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1999.

Fisken, Beth Wynne. "'The Art of Sacred Parody' in Mary Sidney's Psalmes." Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 8 (1989): 223-239.

Freer, Coburn. Music for a King: George Herbert's Style and the Metrical Psalms. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP. 1972.

Gottwald, Norman K. "Poetry, Hebrew." The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. Ed. George A. Buttrick. 12 vols. New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1951-1957.

Greene, Roland. "Sir Philip Sidney's Psalms, the Sixteenth-Century Psalter, and the Nature of Lyric." SEL 30 (1990): 19-40.

---. “Anne Lock’s Meditation: Invention Versus Dilation and the Founding of Puritan Poetics,” in Form and Reform in Renaissance England : Essays in Honor of Barbara Kiefer Lewalski, ed. Amy Boesky and Mary Thomas Crane. Newark: U of Delaware P, 2000, pp. 153-70,

Greenblatt, Stephen. Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1980.

Hannay, Margaret P. "'Strengthening the Walles of . . .Ierusalem': Anne Vaughan Lok's Dedication to the Countess of Warwick." ANQ 5 (1992): 71-75.

---. "'Wisdome the Wordes': Psalm Translation and Elizabethan Women's Spirituality." Religion and Literature 23 (1991): 65-82.

---. Unlock my lipps’: the Miserere mei Deus of Anne Vaughan Lok and Mary Sidney Herbert, Countess of Pembroke.” . Privileging Gender in Early Modern England. Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies. Ed JR Brink. Kirksville, Mo.: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1993.

Hughey, Ruth, ed. The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry. 2 vols. Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1960.

Huttar, Charles A. "Anne Vaughan Locke," in An Encyclopedia of British Women Writers, 2nd ed. New York: Garland, 1966.

Innes, Taylor. John Knox. Famous Scots Series. New York: Scribner's, 1909.

John, Lisle Cecil. The Elizabethan Sonnet Sequences: Studies in Conventional Conceits. New York: Russell & Russell, 1964.

Joyce, Michael. Of Two Minds: Hypertext Pedagogy and Poetics. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1995.

King, John N. English Reformation Literature: The Tudor Origins of the Protestant Tradition. Princeton: PrincetonUP, 1982.

Landow, George P. Hypertext: The Convergence of Contemporary Critical Theory and Technology. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1992.

Lanham, Richard. The Electronic Word: Democracy, Technology, and the Arts. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1993.

Lewalski, Barbara Kiefer. Protestant Poetics and the Seventeenth-Century Religious Lyric. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1979.

Lewis, C.S. English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, Excluding Drama. Oxford History of English Literature, 3. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1954

Locke, Anne. Sermons upon the Song that Ezechias made after he had been sick and afflicted by the Hand of God. London: John Day, 1560.

---. Of the markes of the children of God, and of their comforts in afflictions. By John Taffin. London: Thomas Orwin, 1590.

Lok, Henry. Sundry Christian Passions contained in two hundred sonnets. 1593; London: Richard Field, 1597.

Lupton, Lewis. A History of the Geneva Bible. 8 vols. London: Olive Tree, 1972 1976.

---, ed. Mrs. Locke's Little Book. A Lupton Reprint. London: Olive Tree, 1973.

McLuhan, Marshall.  The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man.  New York:  The New American Library, 1962; 1969.

Marcus, Leah S. "Cyberspace Renaissance." ELR 25 (1995): 388-401.

Martz, Louis L. The Poetry of Meditation: A Study in English Religious Literature of the Seventeenth Century. 1954; rev. ed. New Haven: Yale UP, 1962.

Morin-Parsons, Kel, ed. Meditation of a Penitent Sinner: Anne Locke's Sonnet Sequence with Locke's Epistle. Waterloo, ON: North Waterloo Academic P, 1997.

---. "'Thus Crave I Mercy': The Preface of Anne Locke." Other Voices, Other Views: Expanding the Canon in English Renaissance Studies. Ed. Helen Ostovich, Mary V. Silcox, Graham Roebuck. Newark: U of Delaware P, 1999, pp. 271-89.

Ong, Walter J.   Orality and Literacy:  The Technologizing of the Word .  London:   Methuen, 1982.

Ottenhoff, John. "The Shadow and the Real: Typology and the Religious Sonnet." University of Hartford Studies in Literature 15-16 (1984): 43-59.

---. "Mediating Anne Locke's Meditation Sonnets." Other Voices, Other Views: Expanding the Canon in English Renaissance Studies. Ed. Helen Ostovich, Mary V. Silcox, Graham Roebuck. Newark: U of Delaware P, 1999, pp. 290-310.

Prescott, Anne Lake, and Betty Travitsky. Female and Male Voices in Early Modern England : An Anthology of Renaissance Writing. New York: Columbia UP, 2000.

Reid, W. Stanford. Trumpeter of God: A Biography of John Knox. New York: Scribner's, 1974.

Roche, Thomas P., Jr. Petrarch and the English Sonnet Sequences. New York: AMS, 1989.

Scanlon, James. "Henry Lok's Sundry Christian Passions: A Critical Edition." Diss. Brown Univ. 1970.

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